Satversmei laikam vēl ir 8.pants. Bet nu Satversme tak nebūs šķērslis.

Nu neesmu es militārais eksperts, bet pietiekami daudz sajēdzu, lai saprastu, "tehniski iemesli" hibrīdkara laikā skan visnotaļ ērm... interesanti?

Lai nu ko, bet Verneru Hercogu es Halka Hogana doumentālajā filmā es negaidīju

Šī tvīta dēļ nopirku šīs austiņas. Tagad, kad kādu laiku esmu palietojis, jāatzīst, ka krietns uzlabojums par Buds2 pro. Trešo modeli neesmu mēģinājis, bet cik lasu, tad par to krietni labāks arī. Ļoti ērti turas ausīs un kvalitāte gandrīz vai manu Sony ULT austiņu līmenī.

Lai vai kā U18 spēle beigsies, ļoti baudāms hokejs. Protams, pilns ar jaunatnes haosu un neprecīzām piespēlēm, bet cīņas spars ir varens. Upenieks un Plūmiņš divi mani personīgie šī turnīra atklājumi.

Šī informācija nav patiesa. Vīna Studija nebankrotē, ēkas saimnieks nevienojās par jaunu līgumu, un uzņēmums meklē jaunas telpas. Lūdzu izlabojiet savu ierakstu un atvainojieties Vīna Studijai par nepatiesas informācijas izplatīšanu.

Riga Waterfront attīstītājiem šis pavērsiens pavisam noteikti ies pie sirds. Būs apmierināti, ka "savējie" politiķi nespēja "palīdzēt".

Labticīga ieguvēja institūts gan labi ļogās. Principā tagad pie katra nekustamo īpašumu darījuma jāalgo detektīvs, lai pēta, vai tik nav bijis kāds noziegums, jo beigu galā var sanākt palikt absolūti bešā...

Vispār ļoti labs jautājums. Parakstu ar roku patiesībā ir vieglāk viltot kā e-parakstu. Varbūt vērts šo izgrozīt? Saprotams gan, ka notāri īsti to negribēs, jo peļņas avots tomēr.

Šis vispār interesants aspekts, par kuru nebiju iedomājies

Kad es ienācu žurnālistikā, tad vēl pat nebija GDPR stājies spēkā un viss šķita pārsteidzoši atklāti. Gadu gaitā viss tiek slēpts vairāk un vairāk. Skaidrs, ka sūdi kaut kādi ir. Jautājums - vai tiešām visi tik naivi, ka domā, ka šādi tos neredzēs?

Šo te ēdienu man Mārtiņš gatavoja pirms pāris dienām. Iespējams, garšīgākais kā esmu liellopu gaļu jebkad esmu ēdis. No sirds iesaku visiem šo pamēģināt. Kilograms liellopa uz četriem cilvēkiem pazuda dažās minūtēs.

Dienā, kad viens pasaules līderis draud ar kodolkaru, cits pasaules līderis pievēršas mūzikas pasaulei

Lasīt starp rindām: nauda izčākstēs. IPO arī nav gaidāms tuvākajā laikā, vismaz ar šadu finanšu situāciju. Varbūt maksātnespēja nebūtu sliktākais variants? Nebūtu pirmais aviācijas uzņēmums, kas tam iziet cauri un atgriežas. delfi.lv/a/120113113

Es kādus divus gadus nevarēju atcerēties kā sauc vienu dziesmu, kas man patīk un nekādi nevarēju atrast, bet šodien Facebook atmiņas mani iepriecināja. Joprojām tikpat laba kā tad, kad pirmo reizi dzirdēju. youtube.com/watch?v=GvHDaSw8…

Te viss tomēr diezgan vienkārši. Vai nu katru gadu AB stutēšana 100-200 mio apmērā, vai arī uzņēmuma bankrots un 1-2 gadi kuros tikpat izies seku likvidēšanai, bet ilgtermiņā budžets iegūs. RIX vairs nebūs pamata dot atlaides AB un citi operatori atgriezīsies LV tirgū

Placebo "Re:Created" šķiet kā drausmīgi bezjēdzīgs projekts, jo īpaši šodien noklausoties Bruise Pristine jauno versiju. Bet nē, uz koncertu tāpat iešu, biļete jau ķešā.

‼️Statement on the Orbán Government Accusing Me, an Investigative Journalist, of Espionage‼️ Today, the Hungarian government has filed a complaint against me for espionage. Accusing investigative journalists of espionage is virtually unprecedented in the 21st century for an EU member state. This is typical of Putin’s Russia, Belarus, and similar regimes. I have spent over a decade documenting how Russian spies and interests have penetrated Hungarian politics, so I am probably the least surprised by this. Despite growing signs that the Hungarian government acts as a Kremlin ally and copies the Russian model, I still trust that parts of the Hungarian state—and the judiciary—follow the Hungarian constitution, not that of the Russian Federation. I have never engaged in espionage. I see my work as journalistic counterintelligence—from exposing the hacking of the Hungarian Foreign Ministry by Russian actors to revealing the activities of Hungarian pro-Kremlin propagandists. Defending myself publicly would be easier if I were not bound by source protection. But that remains my top priority. I cannot reveal who provides me information or what I receive, including from within Hungarian state structures. If I were not a journalist, I could list many facts proving it is impossible for the Hungarian state to genuinely believe I am spying. Certain meetings, contacts, and information gathering could never have happened otherwise. This baseless accusation now forces me to share details of a specific investigation, including a conversation with a confidential source that appears to have been wiretapped. Normally, this would appear in a finished article or my upcoming book—not here. (It will appear there as well.) Since 2023, I have investigated whether the relationship between Péter Szijjártó and Russian officials exceeds legal limits. The published audio, where I’m heard talking to a source, mentions that communication between Szijjártó and Sergey Lavrov is recorded by EU intelligence services. Less attention has gone to my point that this relationship raises strong suspicion of political intelligence activity and influence operations in Russia’s interest. These are serious claims and hard to prove. As a journalist, I cannot force anyone to speak or hand over documents. That is why gathering this information has taken so long—and why I spoke to that sensitive source (while the conversation was secretly recorded). Serious claims require serious evidence, and I believe I have gathered some. I have not engaged in espionage. I have not cooperated with any foreign intelligence service in surveilling Szijjártó. Instead, I tried to verify earlier fragments of information about Szijjártó–Lavrov communication. I sought to identify the channels and phone numbers used, and whether a secret channel—possibly used by Russian intelligence—exists. In other words, whether Szijjártó uses a hidden device or number unknown even within the Hungarian Foreign Ministry. This was only one part of my research. The other, more serious topic is this: Since at least 2016–2017, EU and NATO intelligence services have had indications that large amounts of cash and precious stones may have been transported from Russia on Hungarian government aircraft or private jets used by government figures. Officials from at least six countries made such claims to me. These signals did not come from monitoring Hungarian targets, but, for example, from intercepting Russian officials discussing or preparing such shipments. Alongside Szijjártó–Lavrov communication, I examined how baggage screening and handling works on such flights, which officials travel with what luggage, whether more packages arrive from Moscow than depart, and how such shipments could be handled discreetly. I know how serious this is, and I would not have written even this much—but since I do not know what else may be taken from the edited recording, or what fabricated accusations (like, for example, that I was seeking such details to commit terrorism) may follow, I believe I must share this now. Why do I investigate all this? According to many sources familiar with the Hungarian state and counterintelligence, there is no independent body in the Orbán system able to investigate or act if a senior official is suspected of espionage. Government members direct intelligence services and set expectations. The services lack both tools and authority to investigate a government member. I knew this would be difficult when I chose to pursue it. But few people in Hungary can or dare to do this, so I felt it was my duty. We have now reached the point where the Orbán government—of which Szijjártó is still a member—aware of my reporting plans and the risk they pose, has preemptively accused me of espionage. I am a Hungarian patriot. I serve the public. As an investigative journalist, my job is to hold power accountable. Neither political theater nor legal threats will deter me.

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